Washington’s ‘Poisoned Relations’ and the German Problem

The Prime Minister of Germany, does not possess weapons of mass destruction.
His crime is much worse. He has called into question the wisdom of invading a third
world country to rid it of a local dictator known to be sitting on ten percent
of the world’s oil reserves. Instead of recognising German pacifism as one of
the few saving graces of the last century, Washington–peopled as it is by
intellectual pygmies–seeks to chastise the nation for having
elected the ‘wrong’ leader.

2002.10.06

Notwithstanding Gerhard Schroeder’s re-election as Prime Minister of Germany,
the President of the United States has made it known that he still expects
regime change.

Mr Schroeder does not possess weapons of mass destruction,
nor is he threatening the economic welfare of the American people. His crime
is much worse.

He has called into question the wisdom of invading a third
world country to rid it of a local dictator known to be sitting on ten percent
of the world’s oil reserves.

George W. Bush, whose grandfather Prescott Bush helped finance the Nazi war
machine, accruing huge profits on the backs of dead and dying American servicemen,
now implicitly considers it a monumental mistake for America to have parked
tanks and cruise missiles on German soil to face off the threat from Soviet
Russia.

On 1 October, Richard Perle, Chairman of the Pentagon’s Defence Policy
Board told the German Handelsblatt newspaper that Schroeder should resign
from office because of his opposition to war in Iraq. His attack was the
latest in a string of carefully weighed insinuations, and despite signs that
Bush may eventually pick up the phone to congratulate Schroeder on his election
victory it may not be the last.

A few days earlier National Security Adviser
Condoleezza Rice claimed that “an atmosphere has been created that is poisoned”
and Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said that relations between Germany
and America were “poisonous.”

Although Schroeder maintained his opposition to “military adventurism” in
the Gulf region for months before the election campaign got underway, the
real controversy ignited following a 19 September statement made by Justice
Minister Herta Daebler-Gmelin to the Schwaebisches Tagesblatt newspaper.

Voicing fears shared by millions of Europeans that the United States, which
has now amassed a combined federal and state debt of over 14 trillion dollars,
is contemplating military aggression to head off a catastrophic financial
collapse, Frau Daebler-Gmelin said: “Bush wants to distract attention from
his domestic problems. This is a popular method. Hitler also used it.”

The Bush Gang was quick to pounce. “How can you use the name Hitler and the
name of the President of the United States in the same sentence?” asked Condoleezza
Rice with trained incredulity. “Particularly, how can a German [make the
comparison], given the devotion of the United States in the liberation of
Germany from Hitler?”

Like most American and British establishment insiders, Rice is loathe to
admit that Hitler’s rise to power was not financed by a people who were reduced
to eating rats on account of sanctions and reparations imposed by the British
Empire at the end of the First World War, but by American and British bankers
under the sway of the Rothschild and Rockefeller dynasties who saw vast profits
to be made in an orchestrated ‘clash of civilisations’ within the European
theatre of operations.

As Antony C. Sutton elaborates in ‘Wall Street and
the Rise of Hitler’, the leader of the Nazi Party was Wall Street’s man through
and through – in the right place and at the right time.

America’s post-war relationship with Germany had an auspicious start, with
the U.S. High Command turning a blind eye to ‘Operation Paperclip’, an illegal
project by which American intelligence services repatriated outlawed German
scientists to plush homes and choice jobs in the heart of America’s pre-nascent
space programme.

Meanwhile the British Crown connived to place obstacles
in the path of German re-industrialisation. Under the pretext of smashing
German militarism once and for all, it looked to counter the threat posed
to corrupt and mismanaged British imperial corporations by a resurgent manufacturing
base that had always characterised competitive German products.

The British seized on the ‘Morgenthau Plan’, the brainchild of Henry Morgenthau,
an able industrialist of Jewish descent and the secretary to the US Treasury.
In his tome ‘Germany is Our Problem’, he asserted that military aggression
was an entrenched feature of the collective German psyche and, since the
Germans could not be trusted or persuaded to ally themselves with Anglo-American
interests, the only practical solution would be to de-industrialise the entire
region and partition Germany into a geographical patchwork of disenfranchised
mini-states. The British campaign to destroy Germany as an independent nation
state won royal assent and was pursued vigorously by the rabidly anti-German
Lord Vansittart, as evidenced in his book ‘The Black Record.’

Yet it was not to be. America’s taste for military adventurism elsewhere,
particularly in Korea, required skilled workers able to manufacture quality
armaments on demand, and Germany’s mighty industrial machine was rebuilt
from the ashes. Thus began the German-American love-fest.

Had the British ruling class prevailed in 1945, Germany would now be a third
world agricultural society with no representation at the United Nations.

But America wanted lucrative markets for Coca-Cola, Big Pharma, Kentucky
Fried Chicken and Marlboro cigarettes; and it demanded an efficient communications
and transport infrastructure that would support anticipated military action
against the Soviet Bloc. With the intensification of the Cold War, millions
of Germans lived in the shadow of inter-ballistic weapons of mass destruction,
resignedly accepting that their country would be the first to melt from the
face of the globe in any hostile war with the Stalinist east.

Yet despite
heightened tensions throughout the Reagan years, when some members of the
current American administration made their first serious bid to provoke a
war of Armageddon, the German establishment, against its own better judgement,
budged not one inch in its unwavering support for Washington.

But the world has changed. Anti-capitalist Stalinism was finally buried when
the Berlin Wall came down, and American troops were relocated to prevent
democratic nation-building in central America, secure and expand the world’s
most lucrative supply lines for CIA drug runners, use Iraq as a vast proving
ground for untested military technology and bomb Yugoslavia completely out
of existence.

Yet instead of recognising German pacifism as one of the few saving graces
of the last century, the current administration in Washington, peopled as
it is by intellectual pygmies, seeks to chastise a nation of over 80 million
people for having elected the ‘wrong’ leader.

The audacity is breathtaking.

Mike James ( mike.james@gmx.de )
is a British freelance translator and journalist who has been
resident in Germany since 1992, during which time he has undertaken a penetrating
study of the British Crown’s subversion of independent nation states in Europe
and Africa. His current interests focus on the post-9/11 remaking of the
American Executive in the image of the British Crown, the negation of the
American Constitution and the inevitable coalescence of U.S. and U.K. foreign
policy institutions as an instrument by which a new Anglo-American empire
will emerge: its aim being nothing less than supreme global hegemony policed
by “good cop” British socialism and “bad cop” American capitalism.

Author: Mike James

News Service: TheExperiment.org

URL: http://mikejames.gmxhome.de/poison.html